Relationship Between Building, Dwelling and Notion of Home

Relationship Between Building, Dwelling and Notion of Home Discuss the relationship between building, dwelling and the notion of home, drawing on ethnographic examples, Understanding building as a process enables architecture to be considered as a form of material culture. Processes of building and dwelling are interconnected according to Ingold (2000), who also calls for a more sensory appreciation of dwelling, as provided by Bloomer and Moore (1977) and Pallasmaa (1996) who suggest architecture is a fundamentally haptic experience. A true dwelt perspective is therefore established in appreciating the relationship between dwelling, the notion of home and how this is enframed by architecture. We must think of dwelling as an essentially social experience as demonstrated by Helliwell (1996) through analysis of the Dyak Longhouse, Borneo, to enable us to harbour a true appreciation of space devoid of western visual bias. This bias is found within traditional accounts of living space (Bourdieu (2003) and Humphrey (1974)), which do however demonstrate that notions of home and subsequently space are socially specific. Life activities associated with dwell ing; sociality and the process of homemaking as demonstrated by Miller (1987) allow a notion of home to be established in relation to the self and haptic architectural experience. Oliver (2000) and Humphrey (2005) show how these relationships are evident in the failures of built architecture in Turkey and the Soviet Union. When discussing the concept of building, the process is twofold; The word building contains the double reality. It means both the action of the verb build and that which is builtboth the action and the result (Bran (1994:2)). With regards to building as a process, and treating that which is built; architecture, as a form of material culture, it can be likened to the process of making. Building as a process is not merely imposing form onto substance but a relationship between creator, their materials and the environment. For Pallasmaa (1996), the artist and craftsmen engage in the building process directly with their bodies and existential experiences rather than just focusing on the external problem; A wise architect works with his/her entire body and sense of selfIn creative workthe entire bodily and mental constitution of the maker becomes the site of work. (1996:12). Buildings are constructed according to specific ideas about the universe; embodiments of an understanding of the wo rld, such as geometrical comprehension or an appreciation of gravity (Lecture). The process of bringing structures into being is therefore linked to local cultural needs and practices.[1] Thinking about the building process in this way identifies architecture as a form of material culture and enables consideration of the need to construct buildings and the possible relationships between building and dwelling. Ingold (2000) highlights an established view he terms the building perspective; an assumption that human beings must construct the world, in consciousness, before they  can act within it. (2000:153). This involves an imagined separation between the perceiver and the world, upon a separation between the real environment (existing independently of the senses) and the perceived environment, which is constructed in the mind according to data from the senses and cognitive schemata (2000:178). This assumption that human beings re-create the world in the mind before interacting with it implies that acts of dwelling are preceded by acts of world-making (2000:179). This is what Ingold identifies as the architects perspective, buildings being constructed before life commences inside; the architects perspective: first plan and build, the houses, then import the people to occupy them. (2000:180). Instead, Ingold suggests the dwelling perspective, whereby human beings are in an inescapable cond ition of existence within the environment, the world continuously coming into being around them, and other human beings becoming significant through patterns of life activity (2000:153). This exists as a pre-requisite to any building process taking place as part of the natural human condition.; it is because human beings already hold ideas about the world that they are capable to dwelling and do dwell; we do not dwell because we have built, but we build and have built because we dwell, that is because we are dwellersTo build is in itself already to dwellonly if we are capable of dwelling, only then can we build. (Heidegger 1971:148:146, 16) (2000:186)). Drawing on Heidegger (1971), Ingold (2000) defines dwelling as to occupy a house, a dwelling place (2000:185). Dwelling does not have to take place in a building, the forms people build, are based on their involved activity; in the specific relational context of their practical engagement with their surroundings. (2000:186). A cave or mud-hut can therefore be a dwelling.[2] The built becomes a container for life activities (2000:185). Building and dwelling emerge as processes that are inevitably interconnected, existing within a dynamic relationship; Building then, is a process that is continuously going on, for as long as people dwell in an environment. It does not begin here, with a pre-formed plan and end there with a finished artefact. The final form is but a fleeting moment in the life of any feature when it is matched to a human purposewe may indeed describe the forms in our environment as instances of architecture, but for the most part we are not architects. For it is in the very process of dwelling that we build. (2000:188). Ingold recognises that the assumptive building perspective exists because of the occularcentristic nature of the dominance of the visual in western thought; with the supposition that building has occurred concomitantly with the architects written and drawn plan. He questions whether it is necessary to rebalance the sensorium in considering other senses to outweigh the hegemony of vision to gain a better appreciation of human dwelling in the world. (2000:155). Understanding dwelling as existing before building and as processes that are inevitably interconnected undermines the concept of the architects plan. The dominance of visual bias in western thought calls for an appreciation of dwelling that involves additional senses. Like the building process, a phenomenological approach to dwelling involves the idea that we engage in the world through sensory experiences that constitute the body and the human mode of being, as our bodies are continuously engaged in our environment; the world and the self inform each other constantly (Pallasmaa (1996:40)). Ingold (2000) recommends that; one can, in short, dwell just as fully in the world of visual as in that of aural experience (2000:156). This is something also recognised Bloomer and Moore (1977), who appreciate that a consideration of all senses is necessary for understanding the experience of architecture and therefore dwelling. Pallasmaa (1996) argues that the experience of architecture is multi -sensory; Every touching experience of architecture is multi-sensory; qualities of space, matter and scale are measured equally by the eye, ear, nose, skin, tongue, skeleton and muscleArchitecture strengthens the existential experience, ones sense of being in the world and this is essentially a strengthened experience of the self. (1996:41). For Pallasmaa, architecture is experienced not as a set of visual images, but in its fully embodied material and spiritual presence, with good architecture offering pleasurable shapes and surfaces for the eye, giving rise to images of memory, imagination and dream. (1996:44-45). For Bloomer and Moore (1977), it is architecture that provides us with satisfaction through desiring it and dwelling in it (1977:36). We experience architecture haptically; through all senses, involving the entire body. (1977:34). The entire body is at the centre of our experience, therefore the feeling of buildings and our sense of dwelling within them arefundamental to our architectural experience (1977:36).[3] Our haptic experience of the world and the experience of dwelling are inevitably connected; The interplay between the world of our bodies and the world of our dwelling is always in fluxour bodies and our movements are in constant dialogue with our buildings. (1977:57). The dynamic relationship of building and dwelling deepens then, whereby the sensory experience of architecture cannot be overlooked. It is the experience of dwelling that enables us to build, and drawing and Pallasmaa (1996) and Bloomer and Moore (1977) it is buildings that enable us to hold a particular exper ience of that dwelling, magnifying a sense of self and being in the world. Through Pallasmaa (1996) and Bloomer and Moore (1977) we are guided towards understanding a building not in terms of its outside and the visual, but from the inside; how a building makes us feel.[4]Taking this dwelt perspective enables us to understand what it means to exist in a building and aspects of this that contribute to establishing a notion of home. Early anthropological approaches exploring the inside of a dwelling gave rise to the recognition of particular notions of space that were socially specific. Humphrey (1974) explores the internal space of a Mongolian tent, a family dwelling, in terms of four spatial divisions and social status; The area away from the door, which faced south, to the fireplace in the centre, was the junior or low status halfthe lower halfThe area at the back of the tent behind the fire was the honorific upper partThis division was intersected by that of the male or ritually pure half, which was to the left of the door as you enteredwithin these four areas, the tent was further divided along its inner perimeter into named sections. Each of these was the designated sleeping place of the people in different social roles. (1974:273). Similarly, Bourdieu (2003) analyses the Berber House, Algeria, in terms of spatial divisions and two sets of oppositions; male (light) and female (dark), and the internal organ isation of space as an inversion of the outside world. (2003:136-137).[5] Further to this, Bourdieu concentrates on geometric properties of Berber architecture in defining its internal as inverse of the external space; the wall of the stable and the wall of the fireplace, take on two opposed meanings depending on which of their sides is being considered: to the external north corresponds the south (and the summer) of the insideto the external south corresponds the inside north (and the winter). (2003:138). Spatial divisions within the Berber house are linked to gender categorisation and patterns of movement are explained as such; the fireplace, which is the navel of the house (itself identified with the womb of the mother)is the domain of the woman who is invested with total authority in all matters concerning the kitchen and the management of food-stores; she takes her meals at the fireside whilst the man, turned towards the outside, eats in the middle of the room or in the courtya rd. (2003:136). Patterns of movement are also attributed to additional geometric properties of the house, such as the direction in which it faces (2003:137). Similarly, Humphrey (1974) argues that individuals had to sit, eat and sleep in their designated places within the Mongolian tent, in order to mark the rank of social category to which that person belonged,; spatial separation due to Mongolian societal division of labour. (1974:273). Both accounts, although highlighting particular notions of space, adhere to what Helliwell (1996) recognises as typical structuralist perspectives of dwelling; organising peoples in terms of groups to order interactions and activities between them. (1996:128). Helliwell argues that the merging ideas of social structure and the structure or form of architecture ignores the importance of social process and overlook an existing type of fluid, unstructured sociality (1996:129) This is due to the occularcentristic nature of western thought; the bias of visualism which gives prominence to visible, spatial elements of dwelling. (1996:137). Helliwell argues in accordance with Bloomer and Moore (1977) who suggest that architecture functions as a stage for movement and interaction (1977:59). Through analysis of Dyak peoples lawang (longhouse community) social space in Borneo, without a focus on geometric aspects of longhouse architecture, Helliwell (1996) highlights how dwelling space is lived and used day to day. (1996:137). A more accurate analysis of the use of space within dwelling can be used to better understand the process, particularly with regard to the meanings that it generates in relation to the notion of home. The Dyak longhouse is a large structure built at up to three and a half metres above ground with a thatched roof stretching up to eight metres in height. Within the longhouse are a number of apartments side by side. These are seven names spaces running the length of the longhouse which are described as the inner area of the longhouse; the cooking, eating and sleeping area. An outer gallery are can be used by anyone, freely at anytime. (1996:131-133). Previous structuralist categorisation of these inner and outer areas as public and private domains have led to misrepresentation of relations between individual households and the wider longhouse community (1996:133). Spatial separation lies between us the longhouse community (lawang) and those outside of the longhouse community them. (1996:135). Helliwells recognition of the lack of spatial division within the longhouse community is the primary indicator of a more fluid type of sociality for the Dyak people. She highlights that previous structural approaches denoting each apartment as private has left little awareness of social relationships that operate between apartments, and considers the longhouse as a single structural entity, regardless of the single apartments that it is composed of; relationships are clearly marked: neither the seven spaces, nor the wall between swah (the world out there) and lawang, stop at the edges of any one apartment. Rather, they continue in identical form, into those on either side and so on down the entire length of the longhouse. (1996:137).The partition between apartments in the longhouse marks the edge of one apartment from another which visually appears to separate. However, Helliwell points out that they are composed of weak bark and materials stacked against one another, leaving gaps of all sizes in the partitions. Subsequently, animals pass through, people hand things back and forth and neighbours stand and talk to one another (1996:137-138). She describes the partitions as a highly permeable boundary: a variety of resources moves through it in both directions. (1996:138). It is the permeable partition that is therefore the core of longhouse sociability; its properties stimulate sharing in accordance with a flow of light and sound from one end of the longhouse to the other. (1996:138). A community of voices exists within a longhouse, flowing up and down its length as invisible speakers appear in monologue. The Dyak people, although invisible to one another, speak to their neighbours through these permeable boundaries in continual dialogue; they are profoundly present in one anothers lives. Through the sounds of their voices, neighbours two three, four or five apartments apart are tied into each others worlds and each others company as intimately as if they were in the same room. (1996:138). These voices create what Helliwell describes as a tapestry of sound, containing descriptions of a days events, feelings of individual women shared whilst they are alone in her apartment, subsequently affirming and recreating social connections across each apartment and reaffirming their part within the longhouse community. (1996:138-139). In addition, Helliwell highlights that their voices were not raised; (their) very mutedness reinforced, the sense of membership in an intimate, privileged worldgentle and generous in their reminder of a companionship constantly at hand. (1996:139). Here we begin to see Helliwells notion of fluid sociality and the experience of dwelling as a whole a social one. In addition to sound, the social fluidity of dwelling in a Dyak longhouse is reinforced by light from individual apartments and their hearths flowing up and down the longhouse at night. Each person is aware of their neighbours presence, with the absence of light from an apartment provoking concern. (1996:139). In essence, Helliwell stresses the sociality of dwelling, aside from spatial appreciations of the architecture in which it takes place. Although partitions mark the space of a Dyak household, they concomitantly incorporate a household into the wider longhouse community; It is this dual flow (sound and light) which constitutes each independent household as coterminous with all others and with the longhouse community as a whole. (1996:138). This creation of community brings to light the ways in which people use architecture, not just to mark divisions of space, but to implement and enable sociality. This is highly relevant for a true anthropological appreciation of dwelling and in particular its relationship with the notion of home. Dwelling is inevitably connected to the process of homemaking through its aspects of sociality as a physical and bodily experience within the built (Brand 1994:2) and as a fundamentally social experience. Architecture as a physical form of shelter that enfr ames the process of homemaking; what Ingold (2000) terms life activities (2000:185) and the coming together of people. Through acknowledgement of the social aspects of dwelling we can establish notions of home, which are primarily constructed on the dynamic relationship of building and dwelling and the aspects of sociality that occur through the dwelling process; life activities (Ingold (2000:185) and home-making, involving, kinship, memory, play, eating, ritual, and birth among other anthropological themes. A relationship emerges then, between dwelling and the notion of home, a dynamic relationship facilitated by the built, (Brand (1994:2)) taking place within architecture. Houses are defined by Carsten and Hugh-Jones (1995) as places in which the to and fro of life unfolds, built, modified, moved or abandoned in accord with the changing circumstances of their inhabitants. (1995:1). Home emerges as an architectural space which enframes the processes and characteristics associated with dwelling. Ingold (2000) suggests that a house is made, not constructed (2000:175). More specifically, Miller (1987) draws attention to the process of home-making through which the built becomes a home by a process of consumption and appropriation by tenants on a London council estate in England. He argues that through consumption and appropriation of their domestic space, tenants are able to develop and establish a sense of self (1987:354). This is in response to feeling like passive recipients of housing, alienated from society by being perceived as a particular class and at a level of poverty. (1987:357). Miller argues; on the wholethere was considerable evidence to suggest that the white population felt a deep unease about their household consumption status as tenants, reflected in resentment and feelings of being stigmatised. Furthermore they clearly associated the fitments provided in the kitchen with the council, as objects embodying in their materiality the intrusive signification of their status. (1987:365-366). In response, tenants transformed and changed their kitchens in different ways after having been given the same basic facilities by the council. (1987:356). This included alterations and renovations to fitted cupboards, standard plumbing and energy supplies and original black lino floors in addition to decorations, curtains and new white goods (1987:357). For Miller, kitchens became canvases (1987:360) for the tenants; The largest cluster comprised kitchens where substantial changes had been made to the decorative orderthese kitchens retained the original plain white surfaces. Instead, a large number of additional objects had been brought in and used, as it were, to cover the cupboards up.teatowels, breadboards, teacosies and trays were very common and often associated with a particular aesthetic of large bold flowers, cats, dogs and bright patterns. As well as being placed on surfaces, breadboards and trays were typically placed vertically against the walls with their face forward to emphasise their decorative nature. Post-cards, souvenirs, cuttings from magazines and pictorial calendars might be hung or stuck on the wallsthere was also the biographical patterneach piece appeared to be a momento of family or holidays, as in the commercial nostalgia style in which the relation between objects was maintained in the memories of the occupants but not expressed visually. (1987:361-362). Tenants properties subsequently became personalised, replacing and diverting attention from aspects of their kitchens they saw as indicators of their negative housing status (1987:362).[6] The implementation of kitchen aesthetics and other modes of creativity is one way of home-making, establishing a notion of home in accordance with establishing a sense of self. Connected to this, is the sociality of home making; aspects of marriage and kinship also highlighted by Miller, with females directing and viewed as recipients of expenditure and males undertaking renovations; In two cases i t was particularly clear that the couples were seen as coming together to overcome their status as tenants, and affirming the power of kinship and marriage in this struggle. (1987:367).[7] The notion of home reaffirms the concept that space is socially specific; the process of homemaking as an aspect of dwelling, related to how we live within time and space. When professional architects and builders ignore the needs, obligations and beliefs of socially specific people, the notion of home becoming disrupted, the result is an unsuccessful dwelling place. Oliver (2000) underlines that when the Kutahya Province in Turkey suffered an earthquake in 1970, fifty thousand homeless people were accommodated in fifteen thousand newly built dwellings. (2000:121). He comments that the accommodation, designed by architects, was suitable for the British 2.2 nuclear family as three room, single storey houses, quite unsuited to the extended peasant families, who were used to living on the upper floors of large two storey houses, storage, crops and cattle underneath them.(2002:121). A maximum of eighteen people lived in a house at one time, parents occupying one room, sons, their wives a nd children in others. The sofa was a communal space for meals, and privacy was strictly guarded. (2002:121). The emergency housing was small and unsuitable for the large peasant families; large windows caused them to be on show, there was no sofa and the living room opened on to the bedrooms. The toilet was external and public even though the people were discrete about bodily functions. (2000:121-122). In providing unsuitable buildings inconsiderate towards socially specific ideas of space, earthquake victims had no choice but to accept the offered housing or receive no other help. (2000:122). Oliver (2000) shows the architects failure, who; may design responsibly, but the process fails when he ignores the values, morals, building skills, experience and wisdom of the cultures whose housing needs are to be met. (2000:125). Notions of home can be varied,[8] but home and dwelling are inevitably connected through experiences and particular conceptions of how to dwell in terms of appropriate space and related activities. Other state built homes have caused the notion of home and its relationship with dwelling and architecture to be affirmed. Soviet construction of communal dwellings during the 1920s onwards attempted to impose meaning on inhabitants; that of socialist infrastructure to produce socialist men and women devoid of individuality and a bourgeois way of life (Humphrey (2005:40)). The result was unsuccessful, inhabitants not adopting socialist ways of being, but the meanings the architecture was intended to impose being subverted in Russian fiction and memoirs; example s of Russian imagination.(2005:43).[9] This Soviet example illustrates that meaning cannot be made through architecture and emphasises Miller (1987) and the process of home making. It is the process of home-making; the activities associated with dwelling and the sociality that it generates that establishes a home, a building being merely a container in which this takes place. The relationship between building and home therefore involves how we live in time and space, the process of homemaking challenging the structures that we build. Ingold (2000) suggests that dwelling is something that enables building. The opposite standpoint would be that it is building that enables human beings to dwell within architecture. Whatever ones view, it is inevitable that dwelling takes place, and eventually continues to take place within architecture, whether this is in vernacular form; a cave, hut or a barn, or provided by the nation state. It is a social fact that human beings build and dwell. Building and dwelling are inevitably interconnected, existing in a dynamic relationship with one another. Understanding this from a standpoint lacking in western visual bias, it is the process of dwelling; life activities (2000:185), its sociality and inevitable connection with building that exists in relation to the notion of home. Meaning is not made in the structure of a building it is dwelling; activities and social relations that creates and enables a meaning of home to be established in accordance with the self through haptic archit ectural experience and the home-making process. Pallasmaa (1996) argues that the meaning of a building is beyond architecture; The ultimate meaning of any building is beyond architecture; it directs our consciousness back to the world and towards our own sense of self and being. (1996:42). The relationship is evident when socially specific conceptions of space and inevitably particular notions of home are ignored; the architecture being unsuitable for dwelling, or failing in its primary purpose of imposing meaning. It can be said that building, dwelling and notions of home are united in an overarching relationship between human beings and their lived environment; the search for meaning and establishment of the self, in this case through forms of architectural experience. Bibliography Bloomer, K. Moore, C. (1977) Body, Memory and Architecture, Yale University Press   Bourdieu, P. (2003) The Berber House, in Low, S. Lawrence-Zuniga, D. (eds.) The Anthropology of Space and Place Blackwell, Oxford Brand, S. (1994) How Buildings Learn: what happens after theyre built. Phoenix, London Carsten, J. Hugh-Jones, S. (1995) About the House, Cambridge University Press Heidegger, M. (1971) Building, Dwelling Thinking in Poetry, language thought, trans. A. Hofstadter. New York, Harper and Row in Ingold, T. (2000) The Perception of the Environment Routledge, London. Helliwell, C. (1996) Space and Sociality in a Dyak Longhouse in Jackson, M. (ed.) (1996) Things as they are Bloomington: Indiana University Press Humphrey, C. (1974) Inside a Mongolian Tent in New Society 235-275 Humphrey, C. (2005) Ideology in infrastructure: architecture and Soviet imagination, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11 (1) 39-58 Ingold, T. (2000) The Perception of the Environment, Routledge, London. Kahn, L. (1973) Shelter, Bolinas, Shelter Publications. Miller, D. (1987) Appropriating the State on the Council Estate, in Man (NS) 23, 353-372 Oliver, P. (2000) Ethics and Vernacular Architecture, in Fox, W. (ed.) (2000) Ethics and the Built Environment, Routledge, London. Pallasmaa (1996) The Eyes of the Skin, Academy Editions

Brand Management of Cadbury

Cadbury: The Brand The Cadbury brand enjoys a high level of brand equity in Ireland. Research shows 96% of consumers recognise the brand, while 74% state that when it comes to chocolate, only Cadbury’s will do! There are three main brand name strategies: Family brand names: The parent brand is also known as an â€Å"umbrella† brand. This term is given to product ranges where the family brand name is used for all products. The advantage of this approach is that positive associations with the parent brand will transfer to all sub-brands.The risk however, is that if one brand is unsuccessful or falls into disrepute, the reputation of the complete family of brands can be tarnished. Cadbury is a family brand. ? Individual brand names (or multibrands): In this case each brand is created and named separately and has a separate identity. Using a family brand may not be suitable as the brand values may be too far apart. ?Combination brand names: This approach allows for the opti mal use of the corporate (family) brand name, while allowing an individual brand to be identified, e. . Cadbury Dairy Milk. Developing brand identity BRAND PYRAMID A brand pyramid can help managers plan and analyse a brand’s identity. The top tier of the pyramid consists of the brand core. Brand core values are the genetic code of the brand and remain the same over time. Closely related to these values is the brand proposition: the promise the brand makes to consumers. This proposition should be easy to understand and appeal to the target market.The middle tier represents the brand style; or elements of the brand’s identity that represent the self image of the brand and need to be relatively stable over time. The base of the pyramid is formed by the brand themes which are concerned with how the brand currently communicates through its advertising, packaging, physical appearance etc. Brand themes are flexible and change with fashion, technological developments and chang ing consumer tastes.The brand pyramid helps managers understand the strengths of the brand and ensure consistency of its message. This also helps to identify opportunities for brand stretching and brand extensions. A brand extension is the use of a well known brand name on a new product within the same broad market or product category. We will discuss this in relation to the Dairy Milk brand. Brand stretching is the use of an established brand name in unrelated markets or product categories. Brand Extensions and Elements Cadbury India Cadbury is mainly into three segments Chocolates – Cadbury India is the market leader in the chocolate confectionery market in India with over 70 per cent market share. The leading brands in this category are Cadbury’s Dairy Milk, Fruit & Nut, Crackle, Temptations, 5 Star, Perk & Celebrations Gift boxes. †¢ Sugar Confectionery – Cadbury Dairy Milk Eclairs is one of the leading brands in this category. It is amongst the largest eclair brands in the market in terms of value share. Cadbury also owns Halls (which was acquired as a part of the global acquisition of the Adams business from Pfizer in 2003).Halls is amongst the largest brands in its segment of Minty/ Breath freshness brands in India. †¢ Food Drinks – Cadbury’s Bournvita is a leading brand in the brown drinks segment of milk/ malted food products. Cadbury’s other products include Drinking Chocolate and Cocoa powder. Overall share in the malted food drinks market is estimated to be around 19 per cent. The company has recently made a foray into snacking category with Cadbury Bytes, its sweet snacking brand. The company has been performing well in India.

Marketing 4Ps - 1874 Words

In today’s multi-faceted business environment, it is generally agreed that a strong customer-driven marketing strategy can give one an edge over his competition. Designing it, however, did not prove to be so straightforward. It is therefore this reflection paper’s aim to ponder over the various aspects that I have found intriguing and glean insights from them. Firstly is the â€Å"Marketing Mix† aspect, specifically the 4 P’s framework – Product, Pricing, Placing Promotion. The 4 P’s is one of the best known frameworks for a marketing plan, of which the aim is ultimately to fulfil a basic marketing purpose – Putting the right product in the right place, at the right price, and at the right time. Getting all aspects of this framework is†¦show more content†¦As for the Placing aspect, the dilemma existed whereby in order to position ourselves as a high street fashion brand, a retail store had to be open at a prime location such as Ion. The rental for such locations, however, would strain our budget even further. To put it in perspective, the rental costs for an Ion level 1 space is $29 per square feet whereas the rental costs for Ang Mo Kio Hub is a mere $19 per square feet. That adds up to almost $40k difference per year for a store of 330 square feet, which is an extremely large sum for a start- up company. We eventually decided that it was worth the risk, but had to make careful budget adjustments to manage our finances. Next issue of interest is the importance of an action plan. Why is an action plan so important? Without an action plan, all we have is a broad strategic plan. Think of it like making a resolution for a new year – you may state that you plan on losing weight, however you do not add in specific details as to how you are going to do it . A concrete action plan ensures that one stays focused and has a clear idea of what to do and when to do it by. 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Citroà «n notably created the â€Å"Traction Avant† in 1934, the utility H, the 2CV, DS, GS, BX, SM, CX or, XM which are all avant-gardeRead MoreThe Expanded Marketing Mix: IKEA - highlights the 4Ps and expanded 7Ps marketing mix1636 Words   |  7 PagesThe Expanded Marketing Mix: IKEA Introduction At any successful company, marketing seeks to connect with customers, serve their needs, and accomplish the stated mission of the organization. A successful marketing process creates value through consumer satisfaction from brand building before the sale to post-sales service and support (Kotler et al, 2001). The marketing strategy process has four primary segments: product, price placement, promotion and people (Kotler et al, 2001). Companies withRead More4ps of Marketing Essay992 Words   |  4 PagesExercise 1: a) Identify any product and explain the 4P’s in the SAVE perspective b) For the product chosen take any two competing brands and compare the net customer delivered value for both of them from your perspective. c) Find a colleague at work, or a friend or family member, and for the same product or any other product that the person is comfortable with (maybe something they want to purchase), help evaluate two competing brands from a net customer delivered value perspective. Read MoreMarketing Strategy 4p on Kotex3887 Words   |  16 Pagesbrands are sold in more than 150 countries. Every day, 1.3 billion people trust Kimberly-Clark products and the solutions they provide to make their lives better. Kotex’s success was more than just a great product, but the result of a clever marketing program as well. At the time, most drug stores carried every item behind the counter, and these drug stores were virtually 100% staffed by men. Most women of the time found it very embarrassing to ask for feminine hygiene products from the men

Sexuality Reflection - 1620 Words

â€Å"Males do not represent two discrete populations; heterosexual and homosexual. The world is not to be divided into sheep and goats, and not all things are black nor all things white. It is a fundamental of taxonomy that nature rarely deals with discrete categories. Only the human mind invents categories and tries to force facts into separated pigeon- holes. The living world is a continuum in each and every one of its aspects. The sooner we learn this concerning human sexual behavior, the sooner we shall reach a sound understanding of the realities of sex.† (Kinsey, 1948, p. 639). PSY3122 with Krystelle Shaugnessy aimed and succeeded to do exactly that — leave students with a sound understanding of the realities of sex†¦show more content†¦Women in those positions may feel threatened and helpless, but if we rebut this type of behaviour there is strength in numbers. This idea has made clear to me how important it is to advocate for those who may not feel comfortable enough to advocate for themselves. I no longer plan on being a bystander or witness to sexual coercion, but rather will actively make a point to defend women who are clearly uninterested and appear pressured by a man’s advances. In today’s society, it is especially important for women to empower other women as well as themselves. Moreover, a further change in attitude was induced by addressing the notion of the hierarchy of stories. Previously, I would find myself silently judging a variety of couples that I knew based on their apparent incompatibility. Learning that ea ch relationship is subject to a love-script, and that there is substantial variation between the scripts of individual relationships, allowed me to recognize that though some couples may seem weird to me, they may be enjoying a pleasurable and fulfilling relationship. I came to realize that just because a love story doesn’t match mine, it does not mean that the love is any less fulfilling than mine: some people abide by the idea that love is a battlefield, others by the thought that love is a rose garden. EachShow MoreRelatedReflection On Sex And Sexuality936 Words   |  4 PagesReflection on Experience Growing up, sex and sexuality was not a part of my life. In fact, my parents never provided me with the â€Å"sex† talk and I learned about sex through school, television, and the imaginary world of books. When I learned Columbia offered a Human Sexuality course, I jumped at the opportunity to take the class. I not only wanted to open my mind to sexuality and the topics of sex, but I also wanted to be able to speak freely about sex. Having a significant other in my life has pushedRead MoreReflection On Human Sexuality1933 Words   |  8 Pagescontact with her, to protect my own mental health and possibly physical safety too. She still doesn t know I’m an atheist or am asexual.) And then there was that broad subject of human sexuality. That one was a doozy. Until I was almost twenty-four years old, I found myself still trying to solve the puzzles of sexuality as a topic. I was especially trying to figure out where in the picture I might fit. I believed the framework encompassed every adult human, so the question I asked wasn t if I fitRead MoreDiscussion Of Sexuality As A Reflection For Future Benefits Essay2841 Words   |  12 Pagesdiscussion of sexuality is considered taboo, however to avoid the discussion is to neglect a basic human characteristic. I believe that the sexuality as a concept should be studied and personally reviewed by all seven billion individuals on this planet. To deny the fact that humans are sexual beings is to deny humanity altogether. One must also consider the notion that every human’s sexual experience is to be unique to their own body. This paper will be both informative and to serve as a reflection for futureRead MoreSexuality Reflection1083 Words   |  5 PagesIn the first reflection essay that I wrote for this class, I explained that while I have had a few classes on gender and sexuality, this class has really helped me further my understanding on the topics and has opened my eyes to many other topics and ideas that the previous classes were not able to cover. This class really helped me understand other cultures views on gender and sexuality and how not all cultures view gender and sexuality as we do. One idea that I was able to really see and understandRead MoreSexuality Reflection1221 Words   |  5 PagesI was raised Catholic and the Catholic church believes that sex is for a married couple to produce children and that is the closest thing I learned about sex and sexuality from Kindergarten to middle school. Sexuality almost seemed like something dirty and not in the way of who you liked made you dirty, but it almost seemed shameful to display something that wasn’t modest. School always frowned upon â€Å"PDA† such as hand holding, hugging and kissing in the halls, so I never felt comfortable talkingRead MoreSexuality Reflection1126 Words   |  5 Pages Throughout this course, I have learned a lot about some different areas of sexuality and maintaining healthy relationships. There was a lot I already knew prior to this course, but there are many areas that I did not have much knowledge of and I have grown a lot in my understanding. I have been a serious relationship for a year and some months now. My significant other is someone I can see myself being with for the rest of our lives and starting a family with. One of the keys to us maintainingRead MoreReflection About Sexuality1084 Words   |  5 Pages Talking about sexuality is always an fascinating subject for me. It’s interesting not only because it is unique for each individual, but also because I always hope that the more I learn, the more I will be able to understand my own sexuality. I enjoyed being able to confess to the class that my sexuality seems to change with the seasons. To be specific, when I was in the seventh grade, one of my closest friends came out to me as bisexual. I had never encountered anything other than heterosexualityRead MoreGender And Sexuality Reflection Paper1898 Words   |  8 PagesIn the first reflection essay that I wrote for this class, I explained that while I have had a few classes on gender and sexuality, this class has really helped me further my understanding of the topics and has opened my eyes to many other topics and ideas that previous classes were not able to cover. This class really helped me understand other cultures views on gender and sexuality and how not all cultures view gender and sexuality as we do. One idea that I was able to really see and understandRead MoreReflection On My First Year Of College801 Words   |  4 Pagesuncomfortable yet nurturing journey one must go through in order to recognize the inner workings of one’s being. It is through reflection that one will become more self-aware of wha t potential problems could develop. I find myself disquieted with the complexity of honest reflection and revealing truths about myself that are uncomfortable in accepting. Question 2 invites reflection upon how I frequently regret transferring after my first year of college. I perpetually find myself questioning why I wasRead MoreAmerican Society : Film Review1584 Words   |  7 Pagesfilms. On the other hand, some people may argue that filmmakers do not have the responsibility of creating ethical and truthful reflections of society in films. Although some people may argue that filmmakers do not need to accurately reflect American society, films have created false portrayals of teens, romance, and crime in society. Films have created a false reflection of teens. Teens are falsely portrayed in films because there exists a prevailing idea that teens revolve their lives around sex